Veterans and the January 6th Insurrection Attempt

Two days after the violent storming of the US Capitol by Donald Trump’s supporters on January 6th, Veterans Administration’s (VA) Secretary Robert Wilkie tweeted:  

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As more details about the assault emerge, it is clear that veterans were present in many different capacities at the Capitol that day. There were 91 veterans among the members of Congress forced to take shelter as rioters breached the building.  Air Force veteran Ashli Babbitt was shot and killed by a security officer as she tried to climb through a barricaded doorway, and retired Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Larry Rendall Brock, Jr., seen carrying plastic restraints onto the Senate floor. Capitol Police Officer Brian D. Sicknick, an Air National Guardsman who had served in Iraq and Afghanistan before becoming an anti-war advocate, was killed in the line of duty by protestors. Last but not least, NPR recently reported that 1 in 5 of the people being charged with crimes so far, have military experience. This is just a small sample of the veteran identities involved in the attempted insurrection.

Judging by photographs and videos of the rioters, one might assume many more of them were veterans, given the large quantities of military gear on display. But this has become the standard attire for conservative activists, from the boogaloo movement to anti-Covid lockdown protest groups. Flags and insignia carried by the rioters also blur the line between veterans and civilian militias, including Gadsden flags, “Come and Take It” Texas militia flags, Oath Keeper hats, and a wide array of military unit patches.

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While veterans tend to be more politically conservative than the public at large, this hardly explains veterans’ involvement in an attempted overthrow of the US government. While the VA Secretary is right to call the attack an “affront to all who have worn the uniform”, it is critical to explore how some veterans could see participation in the riot as an extension of their duty rather than a dereliction of it. 

Part of this can be explained by what I call the “Soldier’s Contract.” A long tradition of research in political science has tried to define the relationship between the state and the people, and identify how they mutually support and limit each other. This relationship is generally described as “The Social Contract.” But soldiers and veterans have a different relationship to the state than ordinary citizens. While citizens pledge allegiance to the state in exchange for protection of their rights and liberties, soldiers are the sword that protects both the state and citizens.

Soldiers swear an oath to defend the Constitution against enemies foreign and domestic. They also swear an oath to follow the orders of the President. Soldiers are taught that it is their duty to disobey any unlawful orders they receive while in service. But many veterans, myself included, believe that their Oath of service extends beyond their time in the military. They seek to uphold the ideals embodied in the Soldier’s Contract in their everyday lives.

The political leanings of veterans can lead to significant differences in how they interpret their “Soldiers Contract” and their oath of service. Conspiracy theories like QAnon, which exploit the language of patriotism and duty and ask that followers pledge oaths of loyalty to fellow believers, are arguably especially attractive to veterans. The fact that General Michael Flynn has helped promote the QAnon theory increases its appeal. Other right-wing groups such as the Oath Breakers, whose leader was recently indicted on Federal conspiracy charges for his role in the riot, actively recruit former military veterans. While a veteran like Brian Sicknick may have seen it as his duty to protect the voting process and defend those in the Capitol, a veteran who is a QAnon follower could believe that following the orders, or even the informal directives, of the President is most important. This explains veteran involvement on all sides of the violence that took place at the US Capitol.

There should be some concern over the training that soldiers recieve and the lessons learned while deployed in places like Iraq and Afghanistan being brought home and used against the US populus. This is an effect known as Foucault’s Boomerang. It can already be identified in policing practices as US police forces become more militarized. And can also be seen over the past year as we have begun to see expanded militarism in conservative activism, as illustrated by the “Boogaloo movement,” with the concerning example of the Airforce Staff Sgt Steven Carrillo shooting of two police officers in Santa Cruz. But this is not just localized in conservative movements as there appears to be an increase in militarization within liberal activism, evidenced by the rise in gun sales to liberal buyers, and the increasing number of organizations with military experience to help train gun safety to new gun owners, including the John Brown Gun Club, the Liberal Gun Club, and others.

As we transition to new national leadership, what will the next few years bring for the American people? Will there be an escalation in violence in the US? What role will veterans play in all of this? Regardless of what happens, veterans will have an influential role. The twenty years of war that has been central to the experience of US soldiers and recent veterans give them the tools to make the future a more dangerous one. At the same time, it should also provide them with the insight to understand the horrors of war and the commitment to ensuring war does not happen at home. We will see.

Portland Gestapo? Or business as usual?

Over the past few days I’ve regularly heard people call the random sweeping up of protesters in Portland “Gestapo tactics,” or things like, “this is how it begins.” And while I agree that these tactics are horrible and we should be wary of the growing fascism, we don’t have to go back to World War II to see these tactics and we should realize that this began long before Trump. I am appalled by what is happening in Portland, but I have seen it before, during my year in Iraq. 

            As a member of the battalion’s Scout platoon and Quick Reaction Force, we regularly detained people, often in the middle of the night, often on little to no intelligence. We would break down doors, scare the living shit out of families, beat the hell out of anyone who was uncooperative. Then we would drive off with all “military aged males” (being anyone who looked over 15), not telling the families where we were taking their loved ones, not telling them when they would be returned (if ever). Often times we would take them to our own detention rooms, they would be interrogated, and often shipped off to Abu Ghraib (and we all remember what happened there). I had been to Abu Ghraib many times, often dropping off prisoners or picking them up, they never looked the same when we brought them back. In Iraq and Afghanistan, we were the Gestapo.

            For nearly two decades our country cheered on our military as they fought futile wars that only benefited the military industrial complex. Meanwhile, our constant cheers and the perpetuation of these wars has continued to militarize our society, from popular culture to our police forces. As I see the police today, I again am reminded of being in Iraq, as they wear the same gear that we wore in Iraq and carry the same weapons. So, I’m not surprised when they started using our tactics. Though, I often feel like they don’t have the discipline we had; I mostly say this because we had rules of engagement, albeit constantly changing rules of engagement, but we actually understood what an escalation of force was, unlike many of the trigger-happy police who fire the minute they’re scared. But alas, we were in a warzone, and the US should not be seen as a warzone, Portland should not be seen as a warzone.

            Instead, many of our leaders and the police refuse to listen to the demands of the people as we call for a demilitarized police force and a demilitarized society. As we demand accountability. And all too often it is they who break the peace and escalate the violence, for fear of change and accountability. We must continue to fight back, by any means necessary. From marching in the streets to making our voice heard in local, state, and national politics. We must demilitarize our local police forces, prosecute police crimes, and we must stop being the fascist abroad. I urge you to get active in your community, help amplify the Black voices calling for justice. Call your congressional representative and tell them to repeal the AUMF which perpetuates wars abroad, and end the 1033 Program which arms our police with military weapons. 

            So while I completely condemn the Gestapo tactics of our government in Portland and absolutely worry that things will get far worse especially if we have another four years of Trump, we can’t absolve ourselves for what we did to allow this to go on for so long. But we can rectify it and fight back. We must stop solely blaming Trump, and look at our complicity, as well as the elected officials in both parties, who perpetuated this militarization of society. 

 

The Afghanistan Papers

Here is a talk I gave on the Afghanistan Papers for the Fort Collins Community Action Network’s Salon due Tape on April 24, 2020…

Here are the links to the resources I refer to in the video… Though I am excluding events that are coming up solely because they will have passed in the near future. If a video of those events becomes available I will post a link to them.

Militarism & Climate Crisis report: https://ips-dc.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/No-Warming-No-War-Climate-Militarism-Primer.pdf

Pledge against the AUMF: https://actionnetwork.org/forms/join-the-fight-to-repeal-the-aumfs-and-demand-healthcare-not-warfare/

Racial Justice has no borders presentation: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WT95NDDoj1w&list=PLa3WV8IXRsZWXczcwlLnJ_LZw42-j0299&index=2&eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=05afb33a-3227-4a2b-a81c-941d98f065ba

Visiting the Traumatic Legacies of War

This past September I joined the organization Veterans for Peace for a 16-day tour of Vietnam. For some, like myself, it was their first trip to Vietnam, for others it was their first time back since they fought in the war, and finally a few who have been back many times since the war. The trip primarily consisted of military veterans from a number of different eras, as well as three civilians. The trip was led by a number of veterans who have taken up residence in Vietnam, as well as two local Vietnamese guides. We started up North in Hanoi and finished in the South in Ho Chi Minh City. Along the way we primarily visited agencies dealing with the effects of Agent Orange, Unexploded Ordinance, and Vietnamese veteran organizations.

Agent Orange

From 1961-1975 the US military sprayed over 20 million gallons of toxic chemicals across Vietnam in order to clear foliage around bases and along military routes so that they could have longer lines of sight to better maintain security. The effects of that spraying have had long-lasting effects on both the Vietnamese and US veterans and their children. While the US Veterans Administration has slowly begun to recognize these effects on veterans and their families since the 90’s, there is still very little acknowledgement of the negative health effects on the Vietnamese. However, the US has recently completed a cleanup of one of the biggest containment sites near the Da Nang airbase, and has committed $180 million to clean up the Bien Hoa airbase, but have no intentions at this point to clean up any other contamination sites. More than a million Vietnamese people have died because of Agent Orange since the end of the war, and there are currently more than three million Vietnamese people who require daily support as a result of the effects of Agent Orange. On this trip we visited a number of orphanages and hospitals that take care of children born with complications due to agent orange, and we met with a number of doctors and organizations that treat and advocate for the victims of Agent Orange. Along the way, one of the members of our delegation, Paul Cox, was honored for his work on Agent Orange. You can fill out a digital postcard that will be sent to your congress person to urge them to support H.R. 326 the Victims of Agent Orange Relief Act of 2019, by clicking here.

Playing games with kids affected by Agent Orange at the Lang Hoa Binh Peace Village hospital in Ho Chi Minh City

Playing games with kids affected by Agent Orange at the Lang Hoa Binh Peace Village hospital in Ho Chi Minh City

Unexploded Ordinance

During the war the US dropped over 8 million tons of munitions across Vietnam (an additional 2.5 million tons into Laos). It is estimated that 10% of those munitions failed to detonate upon impact, leaving many bombs spread throughout the country. Many of these were cluster bombs, composed of a large shell when dropped but spreads into small anti-personnel mini-bombs about the size of a baseball. Unexploded cluster bombs are very tempting for children to pick up because they look like toys, and then they are often badly harmed or killed. One of the areas that is most heavily bombed was the Quang Tri Province, near the DMZ line, which separated South and North Vietnam. Since the end of the war there have been more than 100,000 injuries and fatalities. One of the organizations we visited that is addressing this issue on multiple fronts is Project RENEW. We first visited a field site where an all-female clearance team swept a field for unexploded ordinance. We also visited a number of different facilities led by Project RENEW that train and employ victims affected by ordinance, as well as a prosthetics clinic to help the victims. 

The All-female bomb clearance team from Project RENEW.

The All-female bomb clearance team from Project RENEW.

A surprising tidbit that I had learned of came from their education program, which has been wildly successful. One of my favorite shoe companies, TOMS (who advertises buy a pair, give a pair, whereas for every pair you buy they give a pair of shoes to a child in need) donates to Project RENEW, who then use the shoes to train kids what to do when they come across suspected unexploded ordinance. Between bomb clearance and education in the Quang Tri Provence, casualties have dropped from around 70 a year to 0. There are still a lot of bombs, but at least people are becoming educated as to what to do when they come across them. It should also be noted that this only covers the Quang Tri Provence, which was the most heavily affected, so most of the resources have been focused here. One of the missions of Project RENEW is to make all the work community led, so that people are being trained and can then train and help others, to make the work able to transfer to other parts of the country.

Vietnamese Veterans Organizations

The meetings we had with Vietnamese Veterans Organizations were mostly formal and ceremonial. While they all fall under one large organization known as the Vietnam Veterans Association, each city has its own chapter which does outreach work for its members. They service over 3 million veterans, covering those who fought the US, China, and Cambodia. The services they provide include: missing in action recovery, Agent Orange relief, business training, and providing medical supplies like wheel chairs. After the initial ceremonial greetings finished, we would open up to discussion. A couple of the times in the open discussion a member of the delegation would apologize for their participation in the war, which often times was dismissed as the Vietnamese understood that it was not their fault, that they were serving their country and that it was the policy makers who were to blame. In almost all of our meetings there was jovial moments as they would be thankful that we were bad shots, or one of our veterans would joke about wondering who the guy was who shot him on Hill 55. It often ended with many hugs, handshakes, and pictures. Many of these veterans are governmental officials now, so in many ways this was a form of public diplomacy, which was discussed within the meetings, as they hoped we could bring more industry and tourism to Vietnam, but also so that we could raise awareness around the lasting effects of the war to try and get reparations.

UD Alum and funder of the Vietnam Legacies Project, John C. Meager (UD, ’63), speaks to the Hanoi Vietnamese Veterans Association

UD Alum and funder of the Vietnam Legacies Project, John C. Meager (UD, ’63), speaks to the Hanoi Vietnamese Veterans Association

 Closing Thoughts

This is just a brief overview of the trip and some of the information that I will be analyzing for my portion of the Vietnam Legacies Project. On the trip I interviewed the veterans who were most involved in organizing these tours and who have had the most involvement here in Vietnam; I took extensive field notes while conducting a participatory ethnography, and; I sent out surveys to the participants of the trip. While I will be analyzing this data over the next few months, I hope that this will help the Vietnam Legacies Project to not only better understand the long-lasting effects of the Vietnam War, but also how we can start to implement some of the healing processes that we can see in these organizations to countries like Iraq and Afghanistan (my generation’s war, and the Iraq War which I was a part of from ’04-’05). Many of these organizations were founded by US veterans who participated in the Vietnam War, and are now practicing public diplomacy, which is an act of healing their own moral injury from participating in a war they did not believe in, as well as healing the traumas of war that are still affecting the Vietnamese people. Furthermore, I hope to be able to help US veterans who fought in Iraq and Afghanistan be able to go back to those countries to help heal themselves as well as the countries that we have damaged with our wars. As Paul Cox stated when asked why he keeps on returning to Vietnam stated, “I’m trying to repay the interest on debt that I can never repay.” 

Dr. Benjamin Schrader

University of Dayton, Vietnam Legacies Project, consultant

Additional Resources

Agent Orange

Vietnam Agent Orange Relief and Responsibility Campaign  

Vietnam Reporting Project  

Vietnam Friendship Village Project USA

Danang Center supporting for Agent Orange victims

Lang Hoa Binh Peace Village hospital in Ho Chi Minh City

 Unexploded Ordinance 

Project RENEW

PeaceTrees VietNam

Legacies of War

Extensive Article on Project RENEW

Media coverage of our trip

http://heartsforhue.org/veterans-for-peace-visting-trip-2019/

http://vietnamfriendship.vn/American-veteran-honored-with-merit-For-Peace-and-Friendship-among-Nations-01-27434.html

http://vietnamfriendship.vn/A-veterans-courage-to-resist-01-27549.html

 

 

My cry for student loan forgiveness

With the 2020 Presidential election ramping up, the Democratic candidates for president have been throwing around a number of different policy proposals. While my passion is primarily around war, military, veteran, and foreign policy, another important policy position that I am constantly thinking about is tied to higher education, specifically around loan forgiveness. First was Elizabeth Warren with her proposal to forgive up to $50,000 worth of student loans. While I thought this was a good idea, I still didn’t feel it went far enough. Then in the past week Bernie Sanders came out with a call for complete loan forgiveness, which is what I am all in for. Let me tell you why…

In 2001, I in part joined the military to get money for college. I had spent the year before in college at Mesa State and had racked up about $15,000 worth of student loan debt. But in that year I had realized that I wasn’t ready for college, but I knew that someday I did want to return to school. So I decided to join the military, where they said I wouldn’t have to worry about paying for college once I got out. Because I was in the military the loans were deferred. I paid into the GI Bill which was $100 out of my paycheck for the first year of service, which would then "pay for college" once I was out of the military.

Fast forward to exiting the military. I left the military angry and confused about my service and wanted to better understand what I had just been through over the past four years, so I returned to school. I was able to utilize the GI Bill, but it was the "old GI Bill," which basically gave me a stipend every month, but it didn’t actually cover tuition, so I took out just enough to cover my tuition, and lived off the stipend, while also working a couple of jobs since the GI Bill only covered a portion of what living in Fort Collins actually costs. This put me at about $50,000 by the time I finished my BA in Political Science and Sociology.

Toward the end of my BA they were switching from the old GI Bill to the New GI Bill, which not only covered the cost of tuition, but also provided a monthly stipend, as well as a book and supplies stipend. Because I had already started on the old GI Bill, I was given the option, switch to the New GI Bill with one year left of my BA, and then all of my benefits would be finished, OR, finish my BA with the old GI Bill and get one year of the New GI Bill for when I get my masters degree, so needless to say I chose the latter since I wanted to continue my education. So the first year of my MA was completely covered and I received a living stipend which was nice. But my second year I had to be completely reliant upon student loans. I knew that I would be continuing on to a PhD program in either Hawaii or California, where there is a much higher cost of living so I took out a bit more money and sat on it for when I would move. I ended up getting into the University of Hawaii to get a PhD in Political Science, though because of a decrease in the funding of PhD programs across the US, I would have to pay for this and I was an out-of-state student so the cost was quite exorbitant. After my first year in Hawaii I was able to apply for in-state tuition, which definitely helped however I still needed to take out loans no matter what grants and awards I was taking in order to focus upon my PhD.

There were many people in my program who didn’t take out loans (or at least smaller amounts than me), worked 2-3 jobs, and slowly worked on their PhD; to which, many who took this route  took many more years for them to complete their PhD, some still have not. I on the other hand wanted to intensively focus on my studies so I didn’t work, besides teaching a few classes which only enriched my studies, but I wanted to finish my coursework as quickly as possible so I could move back to the mainland and start working on my dissertation. I spent two years in Hawaii, then it took me another two years to complete my dissertation and earn a PhD. So after all was said and done I had accumulated $150,000 worth of student loan debt.

I had justified the debt with the idea that I wouldn’t have a problem finding a tenure track position at a school where I would start anywhere between 50-75k annually, and then I would be able to start paying off these loans. Unfortunately, tenure track positions have become harder and harder to find. Why? Well since the 2008 financial crisis many people decided to go back to school, this in turn has led to a huge surplus of people with PhDs on the market that I have to compete with. Couple this with the fact that because many who were about to retire had their pensions and savings effected decided not to retire there were less positions available. Then to make matters even worse, many universities are shifting their cultures, and instead of offering tenure track positions more and more of the classes being taught by adjunct faculty, which are paid at a fraction of the cost. So finding a job became very difficult.

In 2014, while finishing my dissertation, I was invited back to my BA & MA alma matter Colorado State University to teach a few courses for the Ethnic Studies department, some focused on my work around war and militarism, some department courses. There was a hope that this could lead into a tenure track position so I jumped at the opportunity, sacrificing a lot in order to have this chance to be where I really wanted to be. So for that year I wasn’t heavily invested in the job market because I thought it would pan out in Colorado. As an adjunct I was making between 4-5k per course I was teaching, and I was only teaching about 3 courses per semester so that I could focus on finishing my dissertation, then later once I realized I would need to look elsewhere for a tenure track position I had to focus on applications which is basically a full time job in and of itself. So from 2014-2017 I was making about 30k before taxes (with no real benefits as I utilized the VA instead). Because I was making so little, and I was on the income based repayment plan, my monthly payments were $0. 

I then got a postdoc in Hungary, followed by a visiting professorship in NYC. But those familiar with academia know that these do not pay a lot, so still my income based repayment plan has been set at $0. So recently while paying my taxes I decided to look at my credit score. When looking at my debts, I was shocked at what I found. Since I graduated in 2015, and I left with $150,000 of debt, only four years later now have $190,000+ worth of debt, so there has been over $40,000 worth of interest added to my debt. This makes me sick, sad, angry, and a whole host of other emotions. Something drastic must be done, because otherwise I will likely die deeply in debt, and it is only going to get worse, cause I still haven't been able to find a well paying academic job.

I think that education should be free in general, and the way in which it has become a profitable industry is disgusting. If we were to forgive all these student loans then it would be a major boost to the economy as many people who are paying on these loans would be able to actually afford houses, cars, vacations, you name it. I get sick of hearing people say, "well what about those who did pay off their loans, they are being robbed," or some other shitty argument about personal accountability. If I had paid off all my student loans yesterday I would still be for the elimination of student loan debt, because frankly we have spent the last 60+ years telling people that to succeed they have to get an education, it has become engrained into our DNA, and we have also spent the last 40 years slowly making the cost of that education become more and more unaffordable. Nobody should face crippling debt to receive an education. Thus, I think that the elimination of these loans would not only be beneficial but also a good start to reforming higher education in general. There are a number of great plans out there, which is why it's important to listen to the different positions that the presidential candidates are proposing, but reform starts at debt elimination. 

Military Veterans in International Relations and Critical Military Studies

Earlier in the year as I read the content and analysis of an interview of a soldier, that was conducted by scholar who had never served in the military I was struck by how much was being said "in-between" the lines by the soldier that the researcher seemed to have missed. Annoyed, I realized that it was because of my time in the military that I understood what that soldier was talking about. I reflected on my own interviews of veterans and remembered many of them telling me that they felt so much more comfortable talking to me in these interviews rather than other academics or journalists because we spoke the same language and went through many of the same ordeals. So, upon this reflection I thought that it would be good to further examine this idea of what it means to be a veteran and a scholar looking at issues centered on war. I first contacted Sarah Bulmer who had done work with another veteran academic, David Jackson (see Bulmer & Jackson, "'You do not live in my skin,': embodiment, voice and the veteran," Critical Military Stuides, 2016, 2:1-2, 25-40); and Paul Higate, a veteran who has done a lot of work around veterans and masculinity (see Military Masculinities, 2003). I began soliciting names of other academics who were veterans in our field and we came up with a panel of seven: two from Israel, two from the UK, and three from the US.

This past week at the annual Pan-European International Studies Association conference in Prague, Czechia, we convened to discuss the roll of military veterans who are now academics and what they bring to the field of International Relations (IR) and Critical Military Studies (CMS). On the panel was Daphne Inbar, Aviad Levy (both former Israeli Defense Forces soldier), myself (former US Army soldier), and it was moderated by Sarah Bulmer. Sadly 4 of the academic/veterans could not make it, two who had served in the UK and two more from the US. While the other veterans’ voices were greatly missed, a great conversation still took place which filled the session.

I opened the session by telling my background in the military, my research around veteran activism, and discussing three points that I thought was important as to what we bring to the table of IR and CMS. First and foremost, for me, as I think it may be for other veteran/academics is that it is my form of healing and demilitarizing. When I left the military I was angry and felt broken, but I wanted to understand my experience so I got into antiwar activism and I returned to school to learn about war, both the political and the social. The fire never left, but the more I learned it felt that the pieces were coming back together, and I wanted to pass on this knowledge, which is in part why I do what I do. 

Second was what I described above when was initially thinking of this panel, the ability to read the texts differently than those who have never experienced it. I greatly value my fellow academics who work on these subjects and I learn so much from them, but there are times when my embodied experience tells a different truth than what they are stating as it can complicate and transform what they are writing. The point being that too often we write in dichotomies and absolutes, though there is much more variance, some of which cannot be seen nor understood without having experienced it. Does this make experience the end all be all, definitely not, I would not be where I am in understanding militarism had it not been for those who have never experienced it. So it is not about privileging experience, which CMS is great at showing why and how experience can often be problematic, but it is more about showing how experience is a value adding process, especially when that experience has the critical/introspective researcher lens that we have.

  Finally, my third point (also touched upon above), is that we bring a different level of credibility on a number of different levels, from the ability to talk with and interview veterans and soldiers with more ease, to students giving us a bit more credibility when learning about war from us. This last point was challenged in the Q&A and I definitely understand and agree with the criticism, as it can at times have the opposite effect as some do not privilege veteran or military identities as much as other identities that they hold; thus a woman who is a survivor of military sexual trauma may not feel as at ease talking to me as a male combat arms soldier. 

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Daphne followed me and in her own words about the panel, she writes:

The first point I made in the panel was in acknowledging the ways in which my military service has shaped, affected and informed my research interests. Serving as an educational instructor working with immigrant soldiers in the IDFs' largest military prison (incarceration base 394) has greatly impacted my research on the everyday resistance practices of soldiers within mass-militaries. More specifically, I shared some of the ways my service provided a specific set of 'insider' knowledge on the under-researched phenomenon of "grey refusal" among Israeli soldiers.  

The second point I raised was regarding the differences between veteran-academics coming from a mass military vs. a professional military background. Since military service is mandatory in Israel, one could say that Aviad and I come from a 'society of veterans'. Meaning, military service is not a unique experience but a shared one among most Israelis. Furthermore, there are limits to comparing our 'post-military life' experiences with other veterans from professional military backgrounds, as in the context of Israeli society, where militarization is embedded every aspect of our everyday life, the military remains present long after our completion of service. 

The third point I made was regarding how in the academic context this militarization might have unique implications to veteran scholars seeking to write from a critical perspective on their military service in mass militaries, such as self-censorship and censorship (since such critical writing suffers from delegitimization on a societal and institutional level). This point could also explain the pervasiveness of traditional military studies scholars over other critical perspectives in Israel. 

Lastly, another insight gathered from the Q&A part of the roundtable dealt with the power relations that come with incorporating embodied knowledge into our research. In response to a question on whether such the label of "veteran-scholars" only serves to reaffirm hierarchies of knowledge between veteran-scholars and non-veteran military scholars, I rather argued for the importance of deconstructing these hierarchies, and noted how these hierarchies also extend beyond scholarly debate and exist between the veterans themselves (e.g. between non-combative soldiers and combative soldiers). 

Thus, I argued that for me, being a veteran and critical scholar means also acknowledging the plurality of veteran subjectivities, experiences, and grounded truths.

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Aviad went last in our first round of discussions, he writes:

I must admit that I came (into the panel) with some worries, but ended up being fully surprised by the thoughts we managed to share on stage. Most of the things I said were new even to me, as I have never reflected on them that way ever since I had finished my army service in 2005. 

I opened with a short introduction to my military service in the IDF between the years 2002 and 2005. I shared with the crowd some of the main outlines of my mandatory service as a writer and later an editor in the IDF's weekly magazine. Though it was hard for me to call myself a veteran, I could easily regard my time as a soldier as a highly significant phase, that taught me several things, which still influence my contemporary life as a young scholar. 

Being a soldier, and mainly being a soldier-journalist, pushed me into the corners where the marginal people and voices stand as the backgrounds of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For the first time in my life, during my service, I needed to approach real political moments and issues with a real critical view. Therefore, I needed to question everything I saw and encountered with. I referred in my words also to the "grey zones" that create every military service, in which small conversations are being conducted, dark coffee is being boiled, and true love affairs might arise. As part of that, I also mentioned the issue of time and its different meanings to the life of a soldier. My point was that in contrast to what we usually read, watch, or hear about the apparent political moments of the army time - the majority of the hours on uniforms is dedicated to burning time, counting sheep, waiting, surviving boredom. One of the commenters in the crowd analyzed this notion nicely while referring to Cynthia Enloe, and suggested they are all pre-political moments. I tend to agree with her. In the end, maybe that is precisely where our mission as veterans start: this acknowledgement of the grey areas of politics that are accountable for the political no less than the well-known climaxes of wars, quarrels and military clashes.

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The three perspectives created many valuable questions and insights from the crowd which filled the rest of the session. Questions related to our service, our research, and the boundaries in between. One question from another veteran-academic, asked, 'do we need to come clean and write it all down?' I believe we do. For me it is political, and while I personally see it as healing, I am hoping that it helps further research. A part of me believes that every soldier and veteran who has participated in war doesn’t want anyone to have to experience the traumas of war that we have faced, and I feel that us telling our stories and exploring these subjects in our research works to accomplish this. I also think that at the same time we work to complicate the perception of war and the military as we highlight and distort the spaciotemporal aspects of war, or the "gray zones," and as we show the joys of war (as Julia Welland discusses, see her article: "Joy and War: Reading pleasure in wartime experiences," Review of International Studies, Vol. 44, part 3, pp. 438-455).

We look forward to continuing this discussion with other academics, especially those who identify as veterans, as well as those who may not identify as veterans but also have militarized ex-soldier identities. Perhaps we can find new and productive ways to channel our experience, energy, and knowledge. I'm encouraged that other discussions like this are taking place as an upcoming workshop for veteran-academics is being held by the Defense Research Network (DRN), as a part of the Military Afterlives Project. More about can be found here https://defenceresearchnetwork.wordpress.comand more specifically about the event can be found here: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/defence-research-network-veteran-researcher-workshop-tickets-49284810194

 

Stay tuned for more on this topic, as we hope to collaborate on future projects!

F*@K the White House Correspondents' Dinner, but Thank you Michelle Wolf!

Since 2004, when President George W. Bush made jokes about looking for weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq, I have hated the White House Correspondents Dinner (WHCD). The biggest reason is probably because I was serving in Iraq as he made these jokes, and him joking about this reinforced my belief that he knew all along that there were no WMD’s in Iraq, and that we were sent there based on lies. That we were there so his buddies could profit, because they did. 

Every year, the WHCD would happen, and every year I would be annoyed, especially when jokes about Iraq and Afghanistan would come up. Even when they poked fun at Bush’s incompetence, I was not amused. Sure there was a funny moment here and there, and I do love comedy, but I think the setting is what bothered me the most about it. Not only was the room filled with DC elite, members of Congress, the President and his Cabinet, but it was filled with the very media who is supposed to be holding these people accountable. This was primarily the mainstream media outlets, television and print, companies that often profit from wars, because war sells. As they all sit there and laugh at jokes of Washington corruption, unwanted and unjust wars, and incompetence (of both the President and the media), I would get angrier.

This anger would continue from the Bush presidency, into the Obama presidency. While I bought into the hype of Obama’s rhetoric about change, it was hollow. Sure he changed the way we fights wars, from boots on the ground to drones, but people were still dying, most of whom were innocent. So when jokes about drones would come up, it would frustrate me. The fact that so many of the people in the room would never have to face the fear, taste the blood spilled, or gag on the stench of war, made me sick that they could so easily laugh about it. 

I still hate the WHCD, but I will say that in many ways I respected the latest one because of comedian Michelle Wolf. Probably because it was a full out attack on the people in the room, on the President, and on the media. It was uncomfortable for the crowd as she ripped into everyone. It wasn’t the regular *wink *wink nudge> nudge>most comedians put forth at the WHCD. She told the President he was full of shit, she told his family they were full of shit, she told his cabinet they were full of shit, she told congress they were full of shit, but most importantly she told the media they were full of shit. She highlighted the way in which they profit on so much of the bullshit they try to peddle as news. (continued below video)

I especially liked Michelle Wolf’s closing words, “Flint still doesn’t have clean drinking water,” again calling the room on their BS. 10 people have died, and nearly 100 have come down with Legionnaires’ disease from the drinking water. Which brings me back to why I hate the WHCD, because of how flippant and privileged everyone in that room is. They don’t know the names of those who have died in Flint, just as many of them likely don’t know anyone who has died in the name of these wars. So, I have decided to compile a list of names of those who died the day before, the day of, and the day after the WHCD. While these assholes where yuckin it up with each other, many were suffering. This is in no ways a comprehensive list, but what I could find from iraqbodycount.org, and the Afghanistan and Iraq lists on icasualties.org, I’m sure there are many more names, if you have a name to add, please let me know and I will add it to the list. (Note: I unfortunately could not find a list of names of Afghan civilians for these dates).

The list has not only US soldiers, but also a list of Iraqi civilians who died due to the war. If you look at the list of names, I recorded their age if available, and at times even their names were not available, so it goes with war. But first, you should look at the “Human Costs of War” figures compiled by the Costs of War project at Brown University. The numbers are considered conservative estimates, especially when you could add in the 800,000 people who have died as an indirect result of war. 

 

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HUMAN COSTS The number of people killed directly in the violence of the wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan are approximated here. They, and the additional 800,000 civilians who likely have died as an indirect result of the wars, are estimated and the methods of accounting are described in the attached paper.[1]

THE NAMES

Since the start of the Global war on terror… Day before, Day of, Day after White House Correspondents dinner… (Note: Just because no deaths were recorded on specific days does not mean they did not occur, especially in the most recent years...)

May 4, 2002 (Drew Carey hosts) 

      None recorded in Iraq or Afghanistan

April 26, 2003 (Ray Charles hosts) 

            Afghanistan

2 US soldiers the day before (Airman 1stclass Raymond Losano, 24; Pvt Jerod Dennis, 19)

            Iraq

2 US soldiers the day before (Spc. Narson Sullivan, 21; 1stLt. Osbaldo Orozco, 26)

8 Iraqi’s day of (Lamiya Ali, 6; Dana Ali, 8; Wife of son of Tamir Kazal; 3 Sons of Tamir Kazal 13-19; Wife of Tamir Kazal, 23; Khazal Saber, 50)

May 1, 2004 (Jay Leno… Bush has jokes about WMD’s)

            Afghanistan

               1 US soldier the day before (Spc. Phillip Witkowski, 24)

            Iraq

4 US soldiers the day before, 4 the day of, 9 the day after (PO3 Christopher Dickerson, 33; PO2 Jason Dwelley, 31; Corp Joshua Wildong, 22; Cpl Vincent Scott, 21; Spc Trevor Wine, 22; Sgt Joshua Ladd, 20; SSgt Oscar Vargas-Medina, 32; Spc Ramon Ojeda, 22; Spc Ervin Caradine Jr, 33; Pvt Jeremy Drexler, 23; SSgt Todd Nunes, 29; PO2 Michael Anderson, 36; PO2 Scott Mchugh, 33; PO2 Robert Jenkins, 35; PO3 Ronald Ginther, 37; Cpt John Tipton, 32)

April 30, 2005 (Cedric the Entertainer… First Lady Bush had jokes)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

5 US soldiers the day before, 2 the day of, 1 the day after (Sgt. Kenya Parker, 26; SSgt Juan Garcia-Arana, 27; Pvt Charles Cooper Jr., 19; Pv1 Darren Deblanc, 20; Cpt Ralph Harting III, 28; Cpt Stephen Frank, 29; 2Lt Clifford Gadsden, 25; Sgt. Derrick Lutters, 24)

3 Iraqi’s the day before, 3 the day of, 3 the day after (Amir Ali Hamza, 8; 15 year old boy; Ahmed al-Lu’aibi; Al Abb Razak; Mohamed Abb Razak; Talib Wahb; Rahim Ali Jum’a; Hadida Saiwan, 56; Nawal Ghareeb, 26)

April 29, 2006 (Stephen Colbert hosts)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

5 US soldiers day before, 1 day of (Sgt Steve Sakoda, 29; SSgt Bryant Herlem, 37; Cpl Brandon Hardy, 25; Sgt Lea Mills, 21; Sgt Edward Davis III, 31; Sgt Jose Gomez, 23)

2 Iraqi’s the day before, 3 the day of (Uziezy Younies Sulaieman; Policeman and his brother; Rafet Ibrahim, 27; Ahmead Ubied Thaier)

April 21, 2007 (Rich Little hosts)

            Afghanistan

1 Dutch soldier day before (Cpl Cor Strik, 21)

               1 US soldier day before (Sgt Alex Van Aalten, 21)

            Iraq

2 US soldiers the day before, 6 the day of (SSgt Marlon Harper, 34; Pvt Michael Slater, 19; Sgt William Bushnell, 24; SSgt Steven Tudor, 36; Pvt1 Christopher North, 21; Cpl Ray Bevel, 22; Cpl Tomasz Jura, 25; LCpl Jeffery Bishop, 23)

4 Iraqi’s the day before, 11 the day of, 6 the day after (Mulla Ghaleb Al-Dulaimi; brother of policeman; Ahmad Abd Al Emem Abdul Nabi Khazragi; Alaa Hamadi Mahmud; Mehdi Abdul Hussein al-Najem; Mohammed HarejafishKhodeir; Dawoud Nouri, 40; Omeda Shokor Majid, 35; Sulol Dawod Nori, 18-24; Solaf Dawod Nori, 8; Sami Naib al-Jumaili, 65; nephew of Sami al-Delaimi; Mohamed Salman Nemah Al Rekabi, 51; Haya Emad Fadhal Al Mansourie, 9; Ahmed Hassain Mahoon Al-Jabouri & 2 brothers; Tulba Um Qosai, 45-50; Amal Badan Dhahab Al Bodayri, 50-51; Hayssm Hashem Mahowd Shamkhy Al Saady)

April 26, 2008 (Craig Ferguson hosts)

            Afghanistan

1 Australian soldier day after (LCpl Jason Marks, 27)

            Iraq

1 US soldier the day of (Pvt1 William Dix, 32)

5 Iraqis the day before, 1 day of, 2 day after (Muhamad Saiid Khalaf; Raed Jaber; Mansour Shallal Monshid; Ahmad Jasib Badan; Majeed Mowice Nasser;Jabar Ghazwan; Wife of dead man; Jasim al-Battat, 38)                         

May 9, 2009 (Wanda Sykes hosts)

            Afghanistan

               1 US soldier the day after (Maj Steven Hutchison, 60)

            Iraq

2 US soldiers the day before, 1 the day of, 1 the day after (Spc Omar Albrak, 21; SSgt Randy Agno, 29; Pvt Justin Hartford, 21)

2 Iraqis the day before 4 the day of (Jasim Muhammad Fleih; Sabah Hasan Hussein Houri, 25; Hakeem Jassim; Abid Mohammed Hussein; Adnan Duda Matir; Ali Jabbar Jawjam Al Ka'abi

            Pakistan

               Drone Strike kills between 9-25 people (4 civilians confirmed)

May 1, 2010 (Jay Leno hosts)

            Afghanistan

1 US soldier day of, 1 day after (MSgt Mark Coleman, 40; Spc Eric Finniginam, 26)

            Iraq

1 Iraqi the day before, 2 the day after (Brother of Sheikh Khalil al-Sumaidaie; Jamil Salahuddin Jamil, 25; Sandy Shibib, 19)

April 30, 2011 (Seth Meyers… Makes fun of Obama for not finding Osama, who is killed the next day… makes fun of Trump…)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

               1 US solder the day before (Pvt1 Robert Friese, 21)

3 Iraqis the day before, 4 day of, 2 day after (Hosam Mahmoud; Sa'eer Mahmoud; Salah Mahmoud; Tuma al-Timimi; Wife of Tuma al-Timimi;Daughter of Tuma al-Timimi; Daughter of dead man; Mohammed Sabah; Abdul Kareem Abdul Hussein; Mutashar al-Okaydi)

April 28, 2012 (Jimmy Kimmel hosts)

            Afghanistan

1 UK soldier the day before (Guardsman Michael Roland, 23)

2 US soldiers the day of, 1 the day after (Sgt Nicholas Dickhut, 23; MSgt Scott Pruitt, 38; Pvt1 Shristian Sannicolas, 20)

            Iraq

1 Iraqi the day before, 3 the day of (Sirwan Hameed; Sarajaddin Haji Maasum Naqshbandi; Sons of dead man; Sons of dead woman, 10-15)

April 27, 2013 (Conan O’Brian hosts)

            Afghanistan

4 US soldiers the day after (SSgt Daniel Fannin, 30; SSgt Richard Dickson, 24; Cpt Reid Nishizuka, 30; Brandon Cyr, 28)

            Iraq

2 Iraqis the day after (Ali Ward al-Jbouri; Qassim Mohammed al-Dulaimi)

May 3, 2014 (Joel McHale hosts)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

3 Iraqis the day of (Relative of parliamentary candidate Mulla Al-Jiyad; Moaz Abdellatif Al-Jiyad; Faleh Abdullah Matar)

April 25, 2015 (Cecily Strong hosts)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

2 Iraqis the day of, 1 the day after (Thaer Ali, 45-56; Son of farmer; Brigadier General Hassan Abbas)

April 30, 2016 (Larry Wilmore hosts)

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq

3 Iraqis the day before, 2 the day of (Father of dead male; son of dead man; Ziad Kalaf; father of dead male; son of dead construction materials shop owner)

April 29, 2017 (Hasan Minhaj hosts) 

            Afghanistan: None recorded

            Iraq: None recorded

April 28, 2018 (Michelle Wolf)

            Syria

                 1 soldier killed 2 days after (MSgt Jonathan Dunbar, 36)

(I highlight this last name, because while people argue about whether the WHCD was good, bad, crude, whatever, people are still dying...)

 

 

 

 

 

[1]http://watson.brown.edu/costsofwar/figures/2016/direct-war-death-toll-iraq-afghanistan-and-pakistan-2001-370000

The Last Jedi and the critique of imperialism, militarism, and neoliberalism

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(Writing note: I often go back and forth between the context of the Star Wars universe and our current political climate deliberately, especially in the second half of the post)

It has long been known that Star Wars was originally an allegory for US imperialism specifically around the Vietnam War; whereas the US is the evil empire, and the Vietcong were the righteous rebels. These allegories can be continued throughout the films, through the prequels and into the most recent sequels. However, if we take a look at the larger picture a more interesting understanding  and allegory begins to take place.

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           So if the original saga (Episodes IV, V, VI) are a critique on a authoritarian militaristic empire, meant to be the United States, what do the prequels (Episodes I, II, III) represent? I would say that these films are a critique on neoliberalism and the politics of the left. The prequels examine a time when there is an ineffectual government in place that is overtly corporatized and militarized. While the Jedi are purportedly the peacekeepers of the galaxy, they take orders from the Senate, which in turn places commerce over its citizenry; this can be seen in the opening of the movie as Jedi are dispatched to settle a labor dispute, thus exercising the hard power of the nexus between the neoliberal government and the militarist Jedi order, which is not supposed to take sides. Time and time again throughout the sequels we see the breakdown of governance and deregulation in favor of more and more militaristic "free" markets, until its collapse. It is then the strongman authoritarianism of the Empire that takes hold.

            It is here we should pause and take a long view. Like the disjointed order of these films and the critique, they seem to fit into the politics of today. If the prequels are a critique of neoliberalism, then we can see it's parallel in the 80's, 90's, and 00's as the slow buildup of deregulation, dynasty politics, corporatization, and militarization of the US. Interestingly enough, George Lucas even made a point to draw parallels between Vietnam and Iraq, and some claim that Emperor Palpatine and his call for emergency powers in Revenge of the Sith strikes an eerily similar cord to President Bush in his push for the Global War on Terror. So if taken this way, we see the rise of neoliberalism leading to authoritarian rule.

            We would be remiss to then not look at our current situation with President Trump being in office. While the temporal alignment in the films reads one way the production alignment of the films reads another, but either way it plays out the same (Empire creates neoliberalism, neoliberalism creates Empire, vice versa/and so on). So if we look at the films in production order (IV, V, VI, I, II, III, VII, VIII) we see a critique on Vietnam and US imperialism, then a critique on neoliberalism, and with the latest releases we see a critique on both eras as well as a critique on fascism.

           While the empire has died in the newest films, the First Order has risen, which sounds eerily similar to the "New Order," another term for Nazism. Aesthetically, there is no doubt that the troops look similar to the Empire from the original saga, thus still representing the US, but there is a slight shift to make them resemble Nazi troops, from their flags to the formation of their rally (seen below). The rise of rightwing extremism in the US , from the rise of the Tea Party to Donald Trump becoming President, can be seen in this First Order. The rebels are easily identified by rightwing commentaries that critique the films as peddlers of diversity and social justice warriors. The Force Awakens was hailed by racists as being too diverse, cause you can't have a Black Stormtrooper, and now The Last Jedi has too many strong women. These critiques parallel the alt-right fascist politics of Supreme Leader Trump. 

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          But one of the most critiqued aspects of The Last Jedi, no matter where you stand ideologically is the quest with Finn and Rose to find the 'master hacker,' which I see as one of the most important. I think that this was largely disliked because it critiqued both the left and the right as we see the excess of militarism and capitalism, we see that the rich have remained rich by perpetuating wars, selling arms to the Empire and the Rebellion… Syrians, ISIS, Israelis, Iraqis, ect... In many ways this is the stopgap between neoliberalism and militarism which was the Obama era of politics. Everything looked shiny and beautiful, luxurious, and diverse, but when you looked behind the curtains, drone warfare becomes more prevalent and arms are sold to all sides, business as usual. So again we are not only critiquing the fascism of Trump, but also the (not so) hidden militarism of Obama (visible depending upon where you are). 

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So, where is the hope? Where is the escape hatch? Luke Skywalker is the perfect symbol of the hopelessness many of us feel, the nihilistic want to say fuck it all, as he sees the way neoliberalism and the Jedi Order in the prequels screwed everything up just as bad as imperial authoritarianism did of the original saga, and that while we had the illusion of hope & change in-between, we are eventually led to crap again as America was never great to begin with and you can't just keep doing the same thing over and over. So why try, right? But there is "Much to learn, you still have" as Yoda proclaims to a young petulant nation… Forward means not looking at things in black and white, light side and dark side, recognizing that it is really many shades of gray, killing the past. That if we want to escape these authoritarian tendencies with the back and forth between neoliberalism and authoritarianism, we must escape and destroy the greedy, racist, destructive tendencies of our past and forge a new future, one that is diverse and equitable. Perhaps that is where our new hope lies.

Yoda.jpg

So I feel that while many may not like The Last Jedi, I think it is perfect and fits with the critique on US politics… but maybe I'm projecting…